Originally published: The Diplomat
In Bangladesh, a police high official resigned noting the force has transformed into a “public enemy.”
In his resignation letter, Md Moniruzzaman, an Additional Deputy Inspector General (DIG) with the Tourist Police in Khulna-Barisal, said, “Over the past 10 years, I was compelled to carry out illegal orders from ministers linked to the Awami League government.”
These orders, he added, were “brutal and barbaric,” designed to protect an unlawful regime and extend the power and financial gains of certain high-ranking officials.
Moniruzzaman’s divagation came at a time when Bangladesh grapples with the aftermath of its longest-serving Prime Minister’s ouster.
The resignation of Sheikh Hasina, driven by a massive student-led movement, unleashed a wave of disarray across the South Asian nation — home to 170 million people — with its police force, long seen as an instrument of political repression, crumbling under the weight of public anger.
As jubilant crowds filled the streets to celebrate the end of Hasina’s rule, who had been in power since 2008 to become the country’s longest-serving premier, on the 5th of August, the situation quickly spiralled out of control, leading to widespread violence and the near-total collapse of law enforcement in Dhaka and beyond.
‘July Massacre’ and the Erosion of Public Trust
Even up until a day before, the police, alongside Hasina’s party men, were brutally attacking protesters during demonstrations for reformation in ‘coveted’ government job reservation. The protests, which began on July 15th, resulted in the deaths of over 600 people—mainly students and ordinary citizens—and left tens of thousands wounded, with many holding the police accountable as “executioners of genocide [mass killing]”.
“The police force is packed with Hasina’s political partisans who did everything to uphold her fascist regime. They are the executioners of this genocide where hundreds of my brothers were brutally murdered. No human with a conscience can carry out such genocidal [mass killing] orders,” said Mahmud Ul Haque, a student activist from Dhaka University.
A video of Abu Sayeed, an unarmed student, being shot to death at point-blank range by a policeman in the northern district of Rangpur, which later was verified by Amnesty International—now a symbol of the “July Massacre”—was just one of hundreds of videos circulating on social media, exposing the barbaric acts committed by police officers.
The protests also saw female students in Thakurgaon, another northern district, chanting, “Who came? Who came? The police came, the police came. What are they doing? They are here to lick the dictator’s feet,” as the police forces stood by, further adopted by protesters in many regions.
These videos, along with the accounts from the families of the deceased shared in local media, and the harrowing stories of wounded students—many of whom were struck in the eyes with pellets and suffered splinter injuries across their bodies—ignited widespread hatred for the police among common folks.
The police didn’t stop there. They reportedly conducted block raids for a week (July 22-29), even when there were no active demonstrations, detaining over 11,000 people — of whom more than 85% were students and ordinary citizens, said Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) sources. Although all detainees were unconditionally released on August 6 following Hasina’s exit by the president’s order, public anger towards the police shows no sign of fading.
For years, the force oathbound to protect the people had been viewed as a muscle power of the ruling party, especially during protests, where they were known to use live ammunition, tear gas, and brutal force to quell peaceful dissent.
Now, with Hasina gone, the pent-up anger of the populace was unleashed on the very institution that had once kept them in check.
Mobs Turn on Police
The most dramatic manifestation of this anger came when mobs attacked police stations across the country setting them ablaze and clashing violently with officers. The Uttara East Police Station, one of the capital’s key law enforcement hubs, became a battleground by 6pm on 5 August, just hours after reports surfaced of Hasina’s airlift.
Hundreds of enraged citizens descended upon the station, overwhelming the officers inside. Eyewitnesses described the scene as chaotic, with plainclothes officers desperately firing tear gas and warning shots into the air in a futile attempt to disperse the crowd.
Sameen Rahman, who was present during the attack, recalled the horror: “I saw people being shot and carried to the hospital. It was like a war zone. People were screaming, running in all directions. I felt completely helpless.”
This wasn’t a solo incident. Similar attacks were reported at police stations in Jatrabari, Tejgaon, Mohammadpur, and Khilgaon. Over 450 police stations across the country had been ‘attacked,’ according to a statement by the Bangladesh Police Association.
The violence was so intense that senior police officials instructed their officers to evacuate their posts, fearing for their lives. Reports from various police stations across Bangladesh revealed at least 42 policemen lost their lives as the mob swooped on them.
Nation without Law & Order
By the afternoon of 6 August, in a country of 213,000 policemen, none were present in any of the police stations across the nation, said the police association.
Inspector BM Farman Ali from Gulshan Division recounted the moment they were ordered to abandon their station: “We were instructed to secure our weapons and essential documents and then leave. The situation was too dangerous. We had no choice but to abandon our posts.”
By the end of that fateful day, Dhaka—a city of 23 million people—was effectively without a police presence. The force, which had once been a pillar of Hasina’s government, had crumbled under the weight of the very public it was supposed to protect.
The absence of law enforcement created a power vacuum that left residents feeling vulnerable and terrified.
Shafiul Islam, a sixty-year-old resident of Karwan Bazar, expressed his fear: “The city is in chaos because of the opposition party’s mobs who are out taking vengeance. There’s no one to protect us. It’s terrifying.”
In the days that followed, the situation only grew more dire.
Dhaka, already notorious for its traffic woes, was plunged into further disarray as the lack of police presence left the city’s streets unregulated. Ranked as the fifth worst city in the world for traffic, Dhaka’s situation became even more desperate.
However, in the absence of official law enforcement, ordinary citizens began to step in.
Student volunteers took to the streets nationwide to manage traffic and maintain some semblance of order.
Yeasin Ali, a young student who protested for the last four weeks and is now determined to reform Bangladesh from its core, remarked, “I couldn’t just stand by and watch everything fall apart for what we protested for. People need to get to work, and to hospitals, and there’s no one else to help. If we don’t step up, who will?”
Meanwhile, the South Asian nation also witnessed a surge in nighttime dacoity, a crime that has been nearly extinct for the past many years. With police forces unavailable residents across the capital stepped up.
Fearful residents, particularly students, formed night watches and patrolled neighbourhoods until police forces reported back to their stations after an ultimatum was issued by Brigadier General (Retd) Sakhawat Hossain, adviser for the Ministry of Home Affairs in Dr Mohammad Yunus-led interim government.
‘Police is Necessary’
The government, in a bid to restore order, issued a stern warning to the police. Brigadier General Hossain declared that any policemen not reporting for duty by Thursday, August 8th, would be considered unwilling to continue working.
Addressing the public, he urged restraint: “Do not assault the police. You surely understand the necessity of the police. Whether it is the occurrence of robberies or the fear of them, please try to understand the need for the police.”
In response to the crisis, the newly appointed interim government moved quickly to initiate a series of reforms aimed at revitalising the police.
One of the most visible changes was the decision to alter the police uniform and logo—a symbolic gesture meant to signal a break from the past.
The decision was made during a meeting with the new Inspector General of Police (IGP), Md Mainul Islam, who argued that uniforms play a crucial role in shaping the mindset of officers.
“Uniforms create a mindset. That’s why the change is necessary,” he explained in a phone conversation with The Diplomat. “The hope is that by changing the external symbols of the police force, a corresponding shift in its internal culture would follow.”
A committee has been formed on 13 August to review and propose changes to the police uniform and logo, with a directive to submit its report within seven working days, he said.
This move, however, was met with scepticism by many, including former police officials who questioned the effectiveness of such superficial changes.
One ex-IGP dismissed the idea that a change in uniform would lead to better performance, particularly in a civilian force like the police.
“I don’t believe there’s a direct connection between what uniform we wear and our performance as a civilian force,” said Mohammad Nurul Huda, who was the police boss during the political transition of 2000-2001.
Huda also raised concerns about the costs associated with these changes, especially given Bangladesh’s current economic struggles.
Added to uniform changes, the interim government also began taking internal disciplinary actions against officers who had been involved in the violent suppression of protests.
Major Overhauls Aimed at Reducing ‘Politicisation’
Several senior officials holding key positions were either forced into retirement or reassigned as part of these actions. Even the chief of police was replaced, with Md Mainul Islam appointed as the Inspector General of Police (IGP) on August 7, following the removal of Abdullah Al-Mamun, who was accused of serving Hasina’s political repression.
“Human rights have been violated because some over-ambitious and inexperienced police officials didn’t follow the proper guidelines for using force in strategy-making. This leadership failure led to many of our colleagues being injured, killed, or harassed. We will reform the force to regain public trust,” the IGP told The Diplomat.
Two officers involved in the shooting of unarmed student Abu Sayeed were forced into retirement for their roles in the incident.
Not just them, five senior police officers were also subjected to forced retirement: Atikul Islam, Additional Inspector General of Police (AIG); Md Anwar Hossain, Deputy Inspector General (Supernumerary) at the police headquarters; Md Asaduzzaman, Additional Commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP); Monirul Islam, Additional Inspector General (Special Branch); and Habibur Rahman, DMP Commissioner.
A new Additional IGP of Police Headquarters, Md Tawfiq Mahbub Chowdhury, has been appointed as the head of the Police Bureau of Investigation (PBI).
The shake-up hit Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) the most, where 12 Superintendents of Police were brought in to strengthen the force, while officers in charge (OCs) of all fifty police stations within Dhaka Metropolitan were transferred to postings outside the capital.
The IGP Mainul Islam emphasised the need for transparency and accountability in these actions, stating, “We want to cleanse the force, but we don’t want to cover up anyone’s crimes. Those who will be found guilty of using excessive force in the investigation must face the law.”
But the path to reform is fraught with challenges. The issues plaguing the police are deep-rooted and cannot be solved by cosmetic changes alone, said Dr Mehzeb Chowdhury, a criminalistics expert, and criminal law barrister who has worked with over fifty police forces worldwide.
“The force’s long history of political influence and corruption has left it ill-equipped to function as an impartial and professional body. Rebuilding trust will require a fundamental overhaul of the way the police operate and interact with the public,” Dr Chowdhury added.
Meanwhile, many non-commissioned police officers announced a boycott of duty, presenting a nine-point demand the following day of Hasina’s fall and flee.
Root of the Distrust
A key demand was for reforms that would enable them to operate independently and professionally, free from being used as a pawn for “political repression.”
“The current state of the police is a result of political exploitation and arbitrary orders from some corrupt senior officials. We need leadership that commands us with the people’s welfare in mind, not one that pits us against the public for political gain,” said Sub-Inspector Md Zahidul Islam, with DMP.
According to DMP sources, more than half of Bangladesh’s field-level police officers were recruited during Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year tenure, with 105,925 constables and 11,500 sub-inspectors appointed between 2009 and 2023.
Islam acknowledged that “extreme distrust” against the police has been building since 2012 when the ruling party [Hasina’s Awami League] started recruiting based on political considerations, with servicepeople often selected through nepotism and financial transactions.
These politically appointed policemen played a ‘dark horseman’ role in suppressing opposition movements during the 2014 and 2018 elections, according to this DMP official.
He said all these factors come to a head simultaneously when someone thinks of this force. “There is no doubt that the current situation is very difficult for us. Senior officers who have been complicit in causing the deaths of our police officers and ordinary citizens due to their power-hungry and corrupt actions must be arrested and tried under Bangladesh’s existing laws. Only then we might win back a little trust among people,” Islam concluded.
Working hours for police officers must be set at eight hours in accordance with Bangladesh’s labour laws, with overtime payments provided for additional hours, was another demand of police strike.
Many within the force have long complained about being overburdened and under-resourced, leading to high levels of stress and burnout.
The IGP acknowledged this issue, stating, “Efforts are being made to bring working hours in line with international standards and to reduce the burden on officers.”
The police headquarters on 13 August announced all 639 police stations across the country have resumed operations. This includes all 110 metropolitan police stations and 529 district police stations.
Mehedi Hasan Marof is a Bangladeshi journalist who covers politics, environment and social changes. Follow him on X (formerly Twitter) @mehedimarof or visit mehedimarof.com.